Op 10 Oktober 2019 het die Konstitusionele Hof (KonHof) uitspraak gegee in die saak tussen Gelyke Kanse en Universiteit Stellenbosch (US). Dit het gehandel oor die US se taalbeleid wat in 2016 deur die US-Raad aanvaar en vanaf 2017 ge\u00efmplimenteer is. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Gelyke Kanse het geargumenteer dat die 2016-taalbeleid die einde van Afrikaans-onderrig op die kampus sal inlui en gevra dat die universiteit se 2014-taalbeleid heringestel moet word. Die KonHof bevinding was dat die US se 2016-taalbeleid wel grondwetlik is en het Gelyke Kanse se hersieningsaansoek gevolglik van die hand gewys. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Getuienis oor die effek van die taalbeleid is nie oorweeg nie omdat die aansoek ingestel is voordat die beleid in werking getree het. Dit beteken dat die US nou \u2019n vrye hand het om die werklike oogmerk van die 2016-taalbeleid \u2013 die van algehele institusionele verengelsing \u2013 tot sy logiese konsekwensies deur te voer. Dit is waarskynlik ook in pas met die regering se skynbare voorkeur vir verengelsing by tersi\u00eare onderwysinstellings. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Daar is berig dat dr. Blade Nzimande, minister van ho\u00ebr onderwys, die uitspraak verwelkom, en ges\u00ea het Afrikaans moet nie as \u2019n manier van uitsluiting en onderdrukking gebruik word nie. Hy het nagelaat om aan te dui of Engels nie juis as sodanig gebruik word nie.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Regter Edwin Cameron het die hoof-uitspraak geskryf met twee aansluitende bydraes deur regters Mogoeng Mogoeng en Johannes Froneman. Dit is ook van belang dat Cameron in die loop van die hangende hofsaak deur US se rektor prof Wim de Villiers, genader is om hom as kanselier beskikbaar te stel. Hy is voor die hofuitspraak in hierdie amp verkies en sal vanaf Januarie 2020 by dr. Johan Rupert as die kanselier van US oorneem. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
In \u2019n onlangse koerantonderhoud het Cameron aangedui dat hy nie sy rol as slegs \u2019n passiewe ampsbekle\u00ebr sien nie. In hierdie onderhoud het hy sekere sentimente uitgelig wat sterk ooreenstem met Froneman se aansluitende bydrae tot die uitspraak.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Die uitspraak is interessant omdat Cameron sterk klem gel\u00ea het op die tegniese en feitelike aspekte van die twee beto\u00eb en daaruit \u2019n bevinding gemaak het waarmee regters Mogoeng en Froneman \u2013 asook al die ander sittende regters \u2013 eenstemmigheid gehad het. Maar beide regters Mogoeng en (veral) Froneman het belangrike voorbehoude en waarskuwings uitgelig wat met net soveel aandag gelees behoort te word as Cameron se bevindings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Mogoeng het Afrikaans as \u2019n \u201cnasionale bate\u201d beskryf en \u2019n beroep gedoen op die privaat sektor vir finansi\u00eble steun vir Afrikaans-onderig. Froneman waarsku teen die \u201celitisme\u2019 wat dikwels veroorsaak dat diegene wat in beheer van ontwikkelende samelewings is hulle eie tale minag. Hy doen daarom \u2019n sterk beroep op Suid-Afrikaners om die ruimte wat die grondwet bied vir moedertaalonderrig, te benut deur meer pro-aktief te raak. Hy wys op die uitermate bevoorregting van wit Engelssprekende studente wat verder deur die verheffing van Engels as dominante taal bevoordeel word, terwyl veral die swart en bruin agtergeblewenes verder benadeel word. Hy vind dit \u201cseer eienaardig\u201d dat die hoogste hof hieraan sy goedkeuring gee.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u2019n Noodwendige gevolg van die uitspraak is dat dit moedertaalonderrig in Suid-Afrika onbekostigbaar verklaar en dat US se verengelsingsbeleid daarom redelik en prakties is. Indien dit al boodskap is wat hieruit gelees kan word, dan beteken dit dat die klousules in die Grondwet wat die reg op moedertaalonderrig vir alle inheemse tale bevestig deur die onbekostigbaarheid-kriterium disfunksioneel geraak het. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Maar die volledige uitspraak doen ook \u2019n sterk beroep op Suid-Afrikaners om anders te begin dink oor die pad vorentoe in soverre dit die ontwikkeling van inheemse tale aangaan. Regter Froneman bespreek in hierdie verband die \u201claste en voordele\u201d van Afrikaans as onderrigtaal. Sy bespreking plaas by implikasie \u2019n voorbehoud op die suiwer koste-benadering van die universiteit se betoog, wat dan ook die sentrale uitspraak ten gunste van die universiteit onderl\u00ea het. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Froneman se voorstel herinner hierdie skrywer aan die sosiale voordeelkoste-ontledingsmetodiek wat op welvaart ekonomiese teorie gebaseer is en sedert die 1950\u2019s die basis gevorm het van alle vorms van ontwikkelingsbeplanning regoor die w\u00eareld. Die universiteit het egter verkies om die bre\u00ebre maatskaplike konteks waarin dit bestaan te ignoreer. Ook het dit verkies om nie alternatiewe metodes soos IT-gebaseerde afstandonderrig en gedesentraliseerde satellietkampusse of gedeelde geriewe en personeel in sy toekomsbeskouing te gebruik nie. Dit het slegs die sentrale kampusmodel en \u201cmeer van die selfde\u201d as basis vir kosteberamings gebruik. Een van die sentrale re\u00ebls van sosiale voordeelkoste-ontleding is dat soveel prakties-implementeerbare modelle as moontlik in oorweging gebring moet word.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Hierdie skrywer is van oortuiging dat die volledige KonHof- uitspraak groot nuwe onderrigmoontlikhede en gronde vir nadenke vir Suid-Afrikaners na vore gebring het, maar dan slegs indien daar nog enige wilskrag oor is in die Afrikaanse- en ander taalgemeenskappe. Of die US nog deel van hierdie nuwe ontwikkelings kan (of wil) wees, is te betwyfel omdat die verkose toekomsbaan wat sy taal- en institusionele beleid onderl\u00ea suiwer instellingsgerig is, en nie gemeenskapsgerig is nie. Dit is nou \u2019n universiteit wat sy o\u00eb het op die w\u00eareldverhoog en nie op die ontwikkeling van die gemeenskap waarin dit gevestig is nie. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Die universiteit het oor die afgelope 30 jaar as gevolg van \u2019n reeks van aanpassingsgerigte besluite stelselmatig in hierdie situasie beland. Soos wat vandag die geval is, was koste en inkomste dekades lank \u2019n pynlike kwessie omdat staatsubsidies in re\u00eble terme mettertyd afgeskaal is. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ander faktore soos die kwyning van bevolkingsgetalle van die universiteit se meer vermo\u00ebnde (tradisionele) wit Afrikaanse voedingsbron, het ook druk geplaas, terwyl die verbreding van die inname-basis na veral die Afrikaanse bruin gemeenskap weens hulle bedrukte sosiale omstandighede nie \u2019n oplossing kon bied vir die finansi\u00eble probleme nie. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Eers is die pad van \u201crasionalisering\u201d gevolg, wat onder andere daartoe aanleiding gegee dat die Raad in 1999 besluit het om van die Universiteitskoor ontslae te raak \u2013 \u2019n besluit wat gelukkig deur die konvokasie se teenstand tot herbesinning gebring is. Daarna is daar besluit om die deure wyd oop te gooi vir vermo\u00ebnde Engelssprekende studente van regoor Suid-Afrika. Hierdie proses het voortgerol en is nou in alle waarskynlikheid moeilik omkeerbaar omdat die bre\u00ebre institusionele beleid \u2019n baie groot w\u00eareld-gerigte Engelse universiteit op die Stellenbosch-kampus ondersteun. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Die ideaal van Jan Marais is dood: die US-liggaam bly voortbestaan, maar die \u201cUS-siel\u201d (kultuur) is verlore.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
In die toekoms sal diegene wat \u2019n liefde vir Afrikaans en vir die Afrikaanse kultuur het \u2013 en daarom Afrikaansonderrig as bemagtigingsinstrument wil bevorder \u2013 in \u2019n ander rigting as die \u201cStellenbosch University\u201d moet kyk \u2013 dit wil s\u00ea, as die instelling self nie herbesin oor sy huidige koers nie. Universiteit Stellenbosch het in 2016 besluit om sy wortels uit te trek, en die hofuitspraak het dit bekragtig.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Philip Spies is die voorsitter van Gelyke Kanse se loodskomitee.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Op 10 Oktober 2019 het die Konstitusionele Hof (KonHof) uitspraak gegee in die saak tussen Gelyke Kanse en Universiteit Stellenbosch (US). 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